The Kissi and Nomoli Stone Sculptures

The KISSI carved stone statues which were known as POMTAN and in very rare cases, is it possible to see the distinct adornment of a Portuguese helmet which could be dated back as far as the sixteenth century. The true KISSI stone is not as excessive in style as the NOMOLI but the lines are more delicate in that the facial planes are flatter and the figure is of a more tubular shape. These statues are still used on the family alter and are seen as a direct link to the ancestors who are the link between God and Man.

Since the NOMOLI and KISSI stones have only ever been found buried in the ground, it does indicate their use in some type of burial ceremony and when a person discovers a KISSI stone, he will use it to make contact with his ancestors and may in time be buried with it.

The NOMOLI figures were carved from soapstone by the SHERBRO or BULOM tribes as early as the 15th century and have been found by the MENDE while cultivating their rice fields. The NOMOLI are representative of ancestors long past and are now believed to increase the fertility of the crops. The statues are alternatively praised or castigated according to the standard of the crop. The head is of a realistic Negroid design with large protruding eyes, broad lips and broad nose with inflated nostrils.

On this page you can see a few of specimen belonging to The Fagalde Collection of African Tribal Art.

Nigerian Bronze Bells

South Western Nigeria is the home of the YORUBA and BINI traditions, and was originally thought to be the sole source of the wealth of bronze castings, and so it was with great interest that a new source of material was found in an archaeological site beyond the eastern shores of the Niger. It is here in the IGBO interior that the earliest corpus of Nigerian Bronzes has been unearthed.

In the course of controlled excavation, approximately 100 bronzes were brought to light at IGBO-UKWU, a small settlement in northern IGBO country in southern eastern Nigeria. Among the collection of vessels and other artefacts were a large number of fine thinly cast bells, decorated with tiny coiled spirals, miniature human heads, leopards, serpents, birds and floral patterns.

Although the bell is common in other traditions throughout Nigeria, it is so prevalent in southern Nigerian collections that it can be said to typify the small bronzes as a whole. Some bear minimal decorations, others are quite elaborate in design. The bells are usually about 15 cms in height and are often, but not always, provided with a clapper. They tend to fall into three general groupings.

The first category are the small waisted type, conical with a flared lower rim, thin cast and approximately 15cms high. The category is made up of numerous bells with inverted tulip shape, also approximately 15cms high. They too have a loop and are thin cast. Holes for the clapper are often punched on top at the side of the handle after casting, but others have no hole at all. Ethnographic documentation reveals that a tulip shaped bell was collected as early as 1904.

Another almost identical bell collected in 1958 was found to be machine manufactured and it originated in a southern IGBO community within the arc of distribution of hand cast bells. Both versions are still encountered in situ in shrines and other ritual contents in part of southern Nigeria today.

The third category covers the many larger tubular bells of elliptical circumference with wide sloping shoulders. These are approximately 20—23 cms high and have slightly flared mouths and clappers are attached. This type is sometimes known as an IGALA bell and can date back some 500 years. Such bells have been found far up in the BENUE RIVER and as far east as CAMEROON. The most delicately executed examples however, do tend to cluster in the IGBO interior.

As in many other parts of the world, the bells were used as a portable noisemaker proclaiming a sacred presence, on the one hand, and neutralizing hostile or harmful forces on the other.

The bells established power fields, enveloping either incorporeal or tangible principles, the latter frequently embodied in a priest or ruler. Bronze was considered to be endowed with unique powers, reinforcing the prerogative of important members of the community.

Ritual object or 'Kru money'?

“The society that loses its symbols loses its identity and in the process loses touch with itself.”

In: 'Rock of the Ancestors: namôa koni'
(William C. Siegmann, 1977)

The origin of these objects is not known with certainty, except for the fact that they were made and used among the Kru and the Grebo in southeastern Liberia.
According to one source, the Kru and Grebo believe these objects to be living creatures that can be found in creeks, rivers and lagoons. They call them ‘tien’,‘nitien’ or ‘Dwin’ meaning water spirits or ‘Gods of water’. A variety of powers are attributed to them including the ability to stop wars, found villages, heal the sick and guarantee fertility. They are also capable to catch people crossing these streams. The Kru and Grebo believe that the ‘tien’ live in the water but can be caught and brought to town where they may be enjoined to serve as protector or guardians (Siegmann, 1977, p. 82).

It is seriously doubted whether any of these objects have been made in recent times. In any case, nowadays they are extremely rare. A nineteenth century source described objects that resembled the above shown objects (in particular object B). In 1845, Horatio Bridge, a US Navy officer who served on a cruiser sailing in the Gulf of Guinea, reported: "I have procured some of the country-money. It is more curious, than convenient."

And he continued that the ‘Manilly’, worth a dollar and a half, would be a fearful currency to make large payments in, being composed of old brass-kettles, melted up, and cast in a sand-mould, the weigh being from two to four pounds (Nathaniel Hawthorne, ed., 1845, p. 106).

In 1853, Horatio Bridge reported that he had seen them being cast in sand-moulds on the beach near Sasstown in southeastern Liberia. He described how some were made by melting down old brass kettles, others were made using the so-called lost wax technique of casting. He must have seen more and bigger objects than in 1845 since he mentions that their size varied from less than two inches to more than ten inches in diameter whereas a big one could weigh as much as twenty-five pounds. Some objects were solid brass, while others had a sand core - like object A, above on the extreme left. Most objects consisted of an unbroken circle with four knobs, but a few were open on one side. Bridge reported that they were called ‘Kru money’. (Siegmann, 1977, p.82).

A ritual killing

Very interesting is the experience which an American Baptist missionary had in the interior of Liberia in the 1940's. Abe Guenter describes in his book ' Jungle Pilot in Liberia' where and how he found such a brass ring. He asked the villagers for an explanation and heard the following astonishing story of a human sacrifice and ritual killing.

Abe Guenter: "I kept visiting that church from time to time to encourage and strengthen the believers. On one visit I noticed a ten-pound brass ring, 7 inches across and 1.5 inches thick with four knobs attached to the side. It was half buried in mud, so I pulled it out, cleaned it off and carried it to the deacon next door. "Deacon Carr, please tell me what this is, " I requested. "Oh yes (....) I will tell you" he replied. "My grandfather was the big chief in this village. He was so afraid of spirits, sicknesses, war and other people's witchcraft that he went to the big, big witch doctor (....). With the help of the blacksmith, they poured this beautifully marked brass ring. (...) The witch doctor laid the ring down in the middle of the village (...). By then the sun was going down and the witch doctor had a meeting with just the elders of the village and my grandfather. He told them: "You asked for the most powerful witchcraft, and that always needs a human sacrifice. I want you to bring a young boy at midnight to the new god so we can make this sacrifice." An eight-year-old boy, with his mouth gagged, was brought that night. They cut his throat and spilled all his blood on the brass ring, and from that time on, all the activities of the village revolved around the 'brass god': sacrifices, worship and all. But when the gospel came, we threw the ring away and turned to the true and living God." (Guenter, 1992: p. 58/59).

An unanswered question

Hence, the question emerges: “Were these objects ritual objects or traditional money?”

We may never know the answer. Searches on the internet for ‘Kru money’, for ‘Dwin’, ‘tien’, and ‘nitien’ only resulted in a few sites. Scott Shepperd's contribution to the Tribal Art Forum is without any doubt the most important (2004). According to the author these Kru rings where made as sacred objects, not originally as currency.
Another site found, “The Artistry of African Currency”, has in its heading an illustration of the brass object - however, without any reference.

Liberian Studies Journal
1970-71 Vol. III, number 1
Another reference was found in the Liberian Studies Journal of 1970-71 that shows a Kru ring on its cover. The cover photograph is described as “Brass ring, use unknown. Called Dwin. Collected 1965 near Barclayville, Grand Cess Territory. Svend E. Holsoe Collection.” (see picture).
An endangered cultural heritage

Liberia’s numerous ethnic groups are characterized by an extremely rich cultural life. Today, many traditions still persist but an irrevocable process seems to be taking place. Gradually, tribal customs and beliefs as well as ritual ceremonies and symbols are losing their meaning. People have begun to forget the origin and purpose of traditional symbols.

The civil war - fourteen years of looting, destruction and fighting - has cost the lives of an estimated quarter of a million people and has seriously damaged Liberia’s cultural heritage. It has added to the negative effects of a humid climate, carelessness and economic modernization. Today, tons of Liberian art have been lost.

This article is published with the kind permission of Dr Fred van der Kraaij,
and is extracted from his website on the past and present of Africa's oldest republic. Dr Fred van der Kraaij taught economics at the University of Liberia during the second half of the 1970s.

His dissertation on the role of foreign investments in the development of Liberia 1900-1977 was published as “The Open Door Policy of Liberia – An Economic History of Modern Liberia” (Bremen, 1983).

He wrote extensively on West Africa where he lived for over 16 years. Visit his website at: Liberia Past and Present